Anneke van Baalen, HIDDEN MASCULINITY, Max Weber's historical sociology of bureaucracy. 1994 
Chapter 7 The city: new fraternities of patriarchs 
 
 
 
131
 
 
charisma is, in Weber's view, reversed by 'plutocratization'.
98
 The concept of 
'plutocratization', however, can also be analyzed in a less paradoxical way than by a chain of 
reversals of 'charisma'. It may also be analyzed in terms of acquisition of booty.  
Acquisition of booty - of which Weber said that it is end as well as means of all forms of 
robber charisma - may be considered an independent source of charisma, since financial 
success can give the person who achieves it a nimbus of extraordinariness, even of magic 
power.  
Financial success acquired by systematic economic activities - of the kind which, according 
to Weber, the city traders performed - therefore has a contradictory status effect: 'booty' in 
itself grants its possessor charismatic powers, but the routine 'work' necessary to acquire it 
robs him of it.  
Weber emphasizes the importance of the rentier stratum in the constitution of the urban 
nobility, especially in the North of Europe, where 'the "patriciate" and the mercantile stratum 
were really identical, at least during the early period of those cities
99
'. This kind of mercantile 
patrician was no entrepreneur: he did not perform regular business activities in an office.
100 
The patrician could participate in the risks and the profits of mercantile enterprises as a 
financier; he would always hire others to perform the actual work, 'although at times he might 
have taken a share also in the intellectual management of the enterprise'.
101 
On the one hand Weber wants to emphasize the sharp boundaries between patricians and 
merchants:  
'"Capitalist" m o n e y l e n d e r s were both the early Roman patricians vis-à-vis the peasants, and the later 
Roman senatorial families vis-à-vis their political subjects - and that (-) in no mean dimensions. It was only the 
role of the e n t r e p r e n e u r that the status etiquette, occasionally and with varying flexibility backed up by the 
law, forbade to the truly patrician families of both Antiquity and the Middle Ages. The objects in which the typical 
patriciate of the different ages invested its wealth of course varied considerably. Nevertheless, the distinction 
remained the same: Whoever too noticeably crossed the line between the two forms of economic activity 
represented by the investment of wealth on the one hand, and by profits from capital on the other
102
, was 
considered a 'banausos' in Antiquity and a man "not of the knightly kind" in the Middle Ages. In the later Middle 
Ages the old knightly families of the cities were denied equal rank by the rural nobility because they sat on the 
council *benches together with the men of the craft guilds - and thus: with entrepreneurs. It was not "greed for 
gain" as a  p s y c h o l o g i c a l motive that was tabooed; in practical life the Roman office nobility and the 
medieval patriciate of the large coastal cities was just as possessed by the "auri sacra fames" as any other class 
                                                 
98
 See Ch. 4,5.  
99
 ES p. 1293, WG p. 773.  
100
 ES p. 1293, WG p. 773.  
101
 'To be sure, he often participated in mercantile enterprise, but then in the capacity of a ship owner, or as a 
limited partner, provider of commenda capital or of a "sea loan". The actual work: the voyage and the conduct of 
the trading operations, was left to others; the patrician himself participated only in the risks and the profits, 
although at times he might have taken a share also in the intellectual management of the enterprise. All important 
forms of business of early Antiquity and the early Middle Ages, especially the commenda and the "sea loan', were 
tailored to the existence of such financiers who invested their wealth in concrete individual undertakings, with a 
separate settling of accounts for each one, and usually in a great number of these to distribute the risk.' ES p. 
1294, WG p. 773.   
102
 Footnote 60 of the translation gives the German terms: 'Vermögensanlage' and 'Kapitalgewinn', and refers to 
the distinction between 'Haushalt' und 'Erwerb', treated on p. 10-11 and p. 98 ff.