Anneke van Baalen, HIDDEN MASCULINITY, Max Weber's historical sociology of bureaucracy,  
Amsterdam 1994, dissertation University of Amsterdam INTRODUCTION 
 
 
 
3
 
2. Two options to connect sex-defined to sex-neutral concepts 
 
Viewed sociologically instead of juridically, universalist rule systems are upheld by human 
beings who function in 'bureaucratic society' in general and in 'bureaucracies' or 
'organizations'
10
 in particular and who orient their actions to a consistent hierarchy of 
command and obedience based on these rules. Bureaucracies organize production and 
domination nationally and internationally; a person who is excluded from positions of 
authority inside them has to work for her or his livelihood.  
Since the rules on which modern bureaucracies are based mostly have a universalist 
character, the rule of formal equality should determine  access to leadership positions; this 
means that everybody who possesses the knowledge of rules and their application - a 
knowledge which is called 'competence', 'quality', 'expertise' - required for a leadership 
function, should have the same chance of access, regardless of his or her personal 
characteristics.
11 
The struggle to have sex defined as one of the personal characteristics which should not 
influence access to bureaucratic positions is an important part of the struggle of the feminist 
movements of the last two centuries. So far, however, women have mostly been granted 
entrance into those bureaucratic positions which give authority over children or over other 
women; they have to obey men and seldom command them; if they work among men, they 
are treated as dependents instead of as equals.  
Social theories on 'bureaucracy' do not mention this phenomenon. This is because they 
have been formulated in the same universalist terms as the rules their objects are based on 
and therefore they only mention 'men' in the sense of 'people' or 'people' in the sense of 
'men', depending on the language; the 'generic he'
12
 is used to designate 'the individual', 
regardless of its sex. The relations between women and men are considered to be private 
and therefore excluded from the analysis. 
Feminist social scientists who want to explain either the barriers  
to entrance of women into bureaucracies or organizations or the characteristics of the 
position of those who happened to gain access, therefore meet with difficult problems. They 
have to connect the experience of women inside and outside of bureaucracies
13
 and the 
feminist concepts formulated by feminists to generalize this experience, with the concepts 
organization sociologists developed to explain the position of the different 'individuals' in the 
organization and the changes in those positions. To make this connection two options 
                                                                                                                                                        
'manschappij' - 'menship': 'maatschappij' meaning 'society' and 'maat' 'comrade' or 'socius' - to differentiate it from 
'patriarchy', in which the membership of society is based on the position of patriarch, and 'heerschappy', 'lordship' 
as the society based on the rule of patrimonial lords, which in both cases meant that most men had no 
autonomous membership rights; see below, Ch. 5 and 6. See on the continuing existence of 'patriarchy' the 
radical feminist classics: Notes from the Second Year, Firestone, Millet, and Greer, all of 1970.  
10
 See on the difference between these concepts Mouzelis (1971).    
11
 See for Dutch law in general Asscher-Vonk (1989).   
12 
See for a definition of this term and a criticism of its use in order to refer generically to 'creatures of unspecified 
sex' for instance Silveira (1980).   
13
 The Dutch radical-feminist writing collective De Bonte Was connected these experiences to each other by 
conceptualizing women's activities in the family as 'work for one man' and work outside of the home as 'working 
for several men'; see De Bonte Was (1975).